Background
The discipline of psychology in Sweden began as an academic and experimental subject. The first Swedish psychology laboratory was established at Uppsala University by Sidney Alrutz in 1902. Alrutz’s work in psychology was originally conducted under the department of physiology. Early psychological efforts elsewhere in Sweden had institutional ties to university philosophy departments. Later, the profession oriented itself toward the field of pedagogy. This association with a profession already deemed legitimate allowed psychologists to establish roles in practically oriented efforts and align with the Swedish state. An early application of psychological knowledge in Sweden was the placement of psychologists in schools to work with children considered “problematic.”
Testing quickly became the primary role for Swedish psychologists. Initially, this included testing students’ intelligence and the application of aptitude tests in the conscription process. Beginning in the 1940s, techniques such as aptitude and disposition tests were regularly used across the country in an attempt to determine individuals’ proper placement in society. This was thought to be an objective and depoliticized effort, necessary for preserving social order.
In 1955, two psychological organizations merged to form the Swedish Psychological Association [Sveriges Psykologförbund], which functions as both a trade union and a professional association. The organization established its ethical principles the following year.
The state began to regulate and acknowledge psychological training in 1958. Students would be eligible to serve as assistant psychologists after an initial three-year training phase. Then, after three to four years of further study, candidates could receive authorization to practice as psychologists. Both levels of authorization would be confirmed by the Swedish Psychological Association after a period of successful practice.
Until this point, Swedish psychology was dominated by phenomenological approaches and experimental research. A change in focus in the 1960s brought advancements in behavior therapy and research on learning.
During the 1960s, many Swedish psychologists advocated for the field to take on a more politically-oriented role. As part of this movement, psychologists questioned the profession’s obedience to the state and argued for more macro-level work. One resulting shift occurred in the early 1970s, which had school psychologists working with the entire school environment; this marked a departure from the conception that school problems were caused by individual deficits.
Later in the 1970s, these political aspects faded, and psychologists moved toward a more professionalized role, which emphasized psychodynamic psychotherapy. This approach was thought to be a “pure” representation of psychology. However, this focus did not prevent the development of cognitive psychology, which gained significance in Sweden throughout the 1970s and 1980s.
In 1978, Sweden restructured the previous method of authorization and established the current system of professional licensing for psychologists through the National Board of Health and Welfare [Socialstyrelsen]. Prior to applying for this license, candidates must complete a five-year course of study and twelve months of practical work under specially designed internships. Nearly all positions in the field now require this registration.
In the early 1990s, Sweden faced a major economic crisis. Through this turbulent period, psychologists felt they could no longer take their positions in the public sector for granted. At this point, the profession felt pressure to take on the responsibility of improving competence among Swedish workers, and the private sector became a plausible point of employment for psychologists. In 1995, Sweden had 6,000 registered psychologists, placing it among the countries with the highest density of psychologists.
In the late 1990s, the field experienced a growing debate about the direction of psychological research and practice in Sweden. This disagreement was embodied by the formation of theoretical factions along the lines of distinct psychological traditions: cognitive and behavioral vs. psychodynamic and psychoanalytic. Among both camps, it was generally understood that psychodynamic therapies were incompatible with developing conceptions of scientific research, evidence, and methods. Some objected to the increasingly prominent scientific ideals, but the majority felt that this scientific orientation was necessary to resist other fields’ monopolization of relevant occupations. Ultimately, the prominence of psychodynamic therapy declined, and the framework was no longer thought to be the only legitimate perspective in the field. At this point, the psychoanalytical movement moved away from the greater psychological profession and found its place in literary magazines.
The turn of the millennium saw an expansion of the Swedish psychologist’s tasks and areas of expertise. The basics of therapy and treatment continued to have a place in psychological training, but as other occupational opportunities became plausible, training in leadership, organizational development, and research became increasingly robust.
Calls for the return of psychological testing had increased. In response, the Swedish Psychological Association launched the Foundation for Applied Psychology. This foundation was assigned the task of ensuring the continued relevance and legitimacy of Swedish psychological tests. This effort was paired with the sentiment that testing in the 1960s was overly mechanized, and that the modernized implementation should primarily intend to show respect for the individual.
The 2000 International Congress of Psychology was held in Stockholm, Sweden, and one of its main themes was health Psychology. Around this time, the Swedish Psychological Association stated that it was important to consider how psychological knowledge and practices could be utilized to address issues that were previously seen as medical ones. This sentiment, alongside public concerns, encouraged a preventative approach to mental ill health. This effort expanded the involvement of psychologists in primary care, schools, and occupational health services.
In 2004, the Swedish Psychological Association elected a new president for the organization, Lars Ahlin. During his campaign, Ahlin argued that the adoption of an economic perspective and vocabulary would aid in communication with politicians, decision makers, and the general public. In response to criticism that this approach was inhumane, Ahlin responded that he had no intention of undermining the humanistic values of psychology, but that an economic vocabulary was better suited to argue for those humanistic values in a world that predominantly relies on that sort of language.
Growing confusion and disagreement surrounding the notion of evidence-based therapy led to tension between psychological schools. This created an environment in which individual psychologists were expected to align themselves with a single method. In 2007, the Swedish Psychological Association proposed that the profession should shift toward a notion of evidence-based psychological practice to better represent the full range of psychological expertise. This debate called for a dedicated seminar, in which it was expressed that evidence was meant to legitimately represent the difference between the professional and the layperson, and as such, conceptions of psychological evidence should be restructured to include research, clinical experience, and patients’ concerns.
During the latter half of the ‘00s, the Swedish psychological profession sought to gain control over its own representation in the media. Psychological journals and magazines were launched to meet growing interest from the general public. In 2009, the Swedish Psychological Association published their official website, which offered resources developed by professionals to the public.
